A. The Rule of General Zia

After the killing of Bangabandhu on August 15, 1975, Khandakar Mushtaq Ahmed assumed power for a brief  period. But General Ziaur Rahman, who was the chief beneficiary of the killing, could not keep himself behind  the wings for long. On November 7, 1975, he assumed the power in a military coup de tat. Ruthless and  ambitious as he was, he took some quick steps to consolidate his power: One such step was to get Colonel  Taher, a valiant freedom fighter whom he had duped in order to ascend to power, summarily hanged (July 21,  1976), on a charge of treason. This Machiavelli of Bangladesh politics later put on the mask of democracy by  starting a political party named Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) where he assembled all the  anti-liberation and communal elements. He had to face at least 20 coup attempts. He crushed these attempts  brutally by killing numberless freedom-fighter personnel in the army. It was Zia who first rewarded the  self-confessed killers of Bangabandhu by giving them employment in foreign missions of Bangladesh. It was  during his time that election-rigging and elections by blueprint started in Bangladesh. For example, on My  30, 1977 he held a referendum in which it was shown that 99% voters had taken parts. Zia got 98.88 of the  vote cast in his favour. The general elections of February 18, 1979 was also a big hoax: as per the  government blueprint, his BNP was shown to have won 207 seats out of 300. Zia ensured the two-thirds majority  of his party in the parliament with an ulterior motive: he had a plan to change the secular provisions of the  constitution and to regularize the various proclamations and regulations passed during his rule as a military  dictator.

Awami League did not let anything to go unchallenged. Side by side with organizing street demonstrations, it  also took part in the presidential and parliamentary polls during the Zia-Sattar regime (1978, 1979, 1981),  sometimes singly, sometimes by forming alliances with other parties. Awami League took these polls as an  opportunity to solidify the party organization. Despite the implementation of a blueprint and a large-scale  government intervention in the polls, Zia could not prevent Awami League from becoming the main oppositiion  party in the Jatya Sangshad. When General Zia brought the 5th Amendment Bill with a view to giving his  military rule of 1975-79, Awami League opposed it vehemently both inside and outside the parliament. Awami  League vociferously protested other anti-people and undemocratic moves taken by Zia government.

Towards the end of the Zia regime, Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina returned home from self-exile since  the August tragedy. The day was May 17, 1981. Sheikh Hasina and her sister Sheikh Rehana had left behind  their parents, brothers and their wives and other relatives when they went abroad a few months before the  August tragedy of 1975. When she returned home in 1981, his near and dear ones were no more. But she quickly  got over the grief of losing her parents and dear ones like his little brother Russell and took the helm of  Awami League. She devoted herself wholeheartedly to the reorganization of the party for starting a relentless  and indomitable struggle for the restoration of democracy in the country and for the attainment of the rights  of the people.

Awami League was reassured to find in her an intrepid, brilliant, dynamic leader was ready to go to any  extent for the realization of the dreams of her father, the founder of Bangladesh, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur  Rahman. The party elected her its president and posited its confidence in her. she on her part soon became  the rallying point of the toiling masses, the rightless, voiceless multitudes who were ophaned like herself  at the death of Bangabandhu. Awami League was reinvigorated by her electrifyingly enthusiastic leadership and  her far-reaching political visioin. On the day of her home-coming, it seemed as if Nature also mourned with  her : it was a day that saw heavy downpour and thunderstorm in the city. In spite of the inclement weather, a  million people turned out at the airport to receive the daughter of Bangabandhu with the warmth of their  heart.

On May 30, 1981, General Ziaur Rahman died in an army putsch. Vice President Justice Abdus Sattar took office  as President, but within less than a year he was forced to resign by General Ershad who staged an army conp  on March 24, 1982. Thus the long autocratic rule of General Ershad started which lasted for nine long years.

B. The Rule of General Ershad

On March 26, the Independence Day, after only two days of Ershad’s assumption of power, Sheikh Hasina voiced  her first protest against the autocratic rule in an address at the National Memorial at Savar. She vowed to  restore democracy and pronounced a stern warning to Ershad. She made a similar pronouncement on January 21,  1983 to a huge gathering in front of Bangabandhu Bahaban in Road no. 32, Dhanmondi. The Ershad government  quickly arrested her on charge of the violation of Martial Law and clamped a legal suit against her. Other  political parties and their leaders kept silent during this time.

Sheikh Hasina felt the need for starting a concerted movement against Ershad’s military autocracy. With that  end in view she formed a 15 party Alliance in early 1983. The Alliance adopted a 5-point action programme,  the main concern of which was the immediate withdrawal of military rule and the return of the army to the  barracks and the holding of the Jatiyo Sangshad elections before any other polls. Four years passed, during  which time a number of hartals were observed, a national convention was held in Dhaka etc. But the autocratic  rule of Ershad still there. On May 7, 1986, Ershad announced the date for Jatiyo Sangshad election. Awami  League throught it opportune to fight the election unitedly with other parties and alliances; bujt a few of  the parties withdrew themselves at the last moment. 8 parties under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina took part  in the polls jointly. This 8-party Alliance got 97 seats out of 300, and 31.21% of the total vots cast.  (Awami League won 76 seats on its own and 26.15% of the total votes). In reality, Awami League-led Alliance  was on the verge of wianing a majority, but the results were hijacked by a media-coup. The declaration of  elections results on the TV and the radio was suspended for 48 hours, during which time Ershad hijacked toe  popular mandate.

This incident exposed the term nature of Ershad regime to the outside world. The accumulated hatred of the  people against Ershad’s autocractic rule grew stronger as they understand that no free and fai9r polls was  possible under the Ershad government. Accordingly, Awami League refrained form participating in the  presidential election of 1986 and the Jatiyo Sangshad election of 1988 and the Jatiyo Sangshad election o  1988. As a result, these elections turned into a farce.

Awami League, however, continued to play its role as opposition party in the parliament right upto the  dissolution of Jatiyo Sangshad in December 1987. Side by side with this, AL organized street demonstrations  also. Awami League observed March 24, the day Ershad snatched power as ‘Black Day’. When the Ershad  Government made a bid to have the ‘Zilla Parishad Bill’ (with a provision of representation of the army)  passed in the Parliament, Awami League members led by Sheikh Hasina staged a walk out (12 July, 1987). There  were angry protests outside the house also, which forced Ershad government to retreat.

The final months of 1987 saw a strong anti-Ershad movement. One November 10, Awami League observed the ‘Dhaka  siege Day’. A worker of Awami Jubo League, Noror Hossain made himself a walking poster by having these  slogans painted on his chest and back : ‘Let Democracy be free’ and ‘Down with autocracy’. The police  targeted him and killed him with a gunshot. The Ershad government was frightened by the public anger and the  next day interned Sheikh Hasina in her own house. Quite a few leaders and activists of Awami League and its  constituent organizations courted arrest in this new phase of movement against Ershad. Being freed form  house-arrest, Sheikh Hasina went to Chittagong on January 24, 1987 to address a public meeting in Laldighi  Maidan of Chittagong. On the way the truck carrying Sheikh Hasina to the meeting venue came under a sudden  attack : the police and the paramilitary forces fired indiscriminately killing about 50 people on the spot.  The main target of this infamous ‘ January 24 Genocide’ was of course Sheikh Hasina herself. But by the grace  of the Almighty her life was saved. The anti-Ershad movement rose to a crescendo during 1687. Ershad on his  part, attempted a new strategy to quell the popular uprising : he dissolved the parliament and let loose a  reign of terror on the opposition political parties. With a view to forming a ‘rubber stamp’ parliament,  Ershad arranged for a farcical, voterless election on March 3, 1988. Almost all the parties boycotted the  election. But Ershad managed to get the notorious ‘State Religion Bill’ passed by the 8th Amendment of the  Constitution in this ‘rubber stamp’ parliament. This bill struck a blow at the non-communal, secular  foundation of the state of Bangladesh and the spirit of the glorious Liberation War. Awami League raised its  voice of protest against the bill and organized demonstration all over the country.

When all the concentred efforts made by various political parties, alliances and professional organizations  came to naught, Sheikh Hasina came forward with a historic formula for Ershad’s resignation in a mammoth  meeting at Panthapath of Dhaka on November 6, 19990. She suggested that Ershad should quit after handing over  power to a neutral non-partisan person under the articles 51 and 55 of the Constitution (this formula was  incorporated in the ‘Historic Formula of the Three Alliances of November19’. Consequently and at long last,  Ershad was forced to declare resignation on December 4, 1990. On December 6, he handed over power to neutral  caretaker government headed by Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed, the then Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Thus  the 9- year long autocratic rule of General Ershad came to an end. In the ouster of the autocratic government  of Ershad, Awami League and its various organs played the most seminal role.

C. The Rule of Begum Khaleda Zia

The Jatiya Sangshad election of February 27, 1991 under the neutral caretaker government of Justice  Shahabuddin Ahmed was a disheartening experience for Awami League. Everybody, both at home and abroad, had  thought that Awami League would win an absolute majority and form the government. Even BNP anticipated their  defeat, had started preparing for post-election agitation programmes. But the election results surprised all  concerned. Awami League and its allies got more vote but less seats in the Sangshad (34.29% votes and 100  seats; AL by itself 88 seats); whereas BNP got less votes but won more seats (30.81% of votes and 140 seats).

The reasons were not far to seek. All the rightist political parties, the defeated forces of 1971, the  beneficiaries of post-75 politics, the owners of black money, the collaborators of autorcracy and their  foreign patrons joined their hands in order to defeat Awami League. They usd their black money and communal  propaganda for the purpose. On top of that, BNP and Jama-ati-Islami made an electoral alliance and divided  the seats among themselves. When all these conspiracies seemed to bear no results they took recourse to  subtle rigging. The sure victory of Awami League was thus hijacked by BNP. It was a deep and far-reaching  conspiracy of the reactionary quarters against Bangladesh Awami League, the undaunted champion of the hopes  and aspiration of the people and the upholder of the spirit of democracy and Liberation War.

After the election, BNP formed the government with the assistance of Jamaat. Because of electoral  understanding with BNP, Jamaat had managed to win 18 seats. BNP leader Khaleda Zia took oath of Office as  prime Minister on March 19, 1991 and Awami League under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina took up the role of  the opposition in the parliament. Even in this role, Awami League did not forget its electoral vows : it took  initiative to introduce the parliamentary form of government which ultimately came into being through the  12th Amendment of the Constitution (August 6, 1991).

But the nation could not reap the fruits of parliamentary democracy for long. Despite being the Prime  Minister and the Leader of the House in the Sangshad, Begum Khaleka Zia often absented here self from the  parliament. The administration was shamelessly monopolised by the party in power; Khaleda Zia herself, her  two sons, her siblings and other relatives, the ministers and the leaders-workers-supporters of BNP indulged  in widespread corruption. They misappropriated thousands of crores of public money in order to enrich  themselves overnight. The hoodlums of BNP were given arms with which they let loose a reign of terror all  over the country. Murder, women and children abuse, acid throwing on girls became the order of the day. The  hooligans of BNP-supported student organization turned every campus into a killing zone, the result being  that all the university and colleges started to close down one by one. There was on unprecedented anarchy in  the agriculture sector : 18 farmers were shot dead when they were demonstrating for fertilizers at a  reasonable price. Similarly, 19, factory-workers were also killed. The people were soon disenchanted with the  Khaleda government and thire disappointment and anger showed through the results of a by - election in  Mirpur. Although the AL candidate won the poll, the Election Commission, at the behest of the BNP government,  changed the results and declared the BNP candidate winner (February 3, 1993).

On January 30 1994, the BNP candidate for the Mayorship of Dhaka was defeated by the AL candidate. In order  to take revenge for this electoral defeat, the BNP hooligans gunned down 7 innocent people at Lalbagh in the  city. People from all walks of life protested this heinous ‘Lalbagh Murder’ and demanded the trial of the  killers. Things started happening at a quick pace and the BNP government’s popularity fell to zero. On March  20, 1999, a by-election was held for the Sangshad seat of Magura-2, which was a watershed in the political  history of the country. BNP resorted to all-out violence, rigging and irregularity in order to hijack the  popular verdict clearly by the voters in favour of the AL candidate. It was such an unprrecedented and  shameless rigging that the Election commission itself was redered helpless : the Chief Election Commission  flew back to Dhaka, seemingly in dismayed and shocked by the stupendity of it.

It became crystal clear through the Magura polls that a free and fair election cannot be held under a party-  government : the only solution is to hold all national elections under a neutral caretaker government. With  this end in view, the opposition parties in the Sangshad under the leadership of sheikh Hasina tried to move  a bill in the Sangshad. But it was impossible for BNP and Khaleda Zia to countenance such a proposal. On the  contrary, Kahaleda Zia rejected the opposition demand disdainfully, and declared, “None but a mad man or a  child is neutral.” After the Magura incident, all the political parties including AL chose to boycott all  elections under the BNP government.

Sheikh Hasina, the President of Awami League and Leader of Opposition in the Parliament led a tumultous  mass-movement on the issue of neutral carretaker government and the attainment of the people’s right to vote  freely. The caretaker government issue soon became the national demand. As a part of the movement, Awami  League and other opposition parties refrained from attending the sessions of the parliament (March  30-December 28, 1994) and finally, 146 MPs resigned their posts as members of Parliament. In spite of this,  BNP tried to continue the Snagshad without the opposition parties for more than a year. Finally, on November  24, 1995, the BNP government dissolved the parliament and went for fresh polls. Thus Begum Khaleda Zia and  her government had to quit before the expiry of its 5 year term.

A farcical election was held on February 15, 1996 with all the opposition political parties boycotting it. As  the popular demand of holding the parliamentary polls under neutral caretaker government was turned down, the  opposition decided to actively resist the polls. I the process of this resistance, 147 people were killed,  thousands were wounded and more than 20 thousand AL workers were put behind the bars.

In the midst of nationwide protests, hartals and demonstrations, the illegally formed parliament was called  to session. It lasted for only 4 working days. As the political situation of the country became extremely  explosive, Khaleda Zia had to concede the demand for neutral caretaker government and had to pass a bill to  that effect through the 13th Amendment of the Constitution (March 26, 1996). But the protesting public were  not content in having anything short of the resignation of the Khaleda Zia government. Sheikh Hasina, the  leader of the masses, called for an all-out movement for the cancellation of the February 15 election,  resignation of Begum Zia government and the holding of a fresh parliamentary election under a neutral  caretaker government. At the order of Sheikh Hasina, a countrywide non-stop non-cooperation movement started  from March 9, 1996, Everything including the seat-ports of Chittagong and Chalna came to a stand still. She  ordered the establishment of the ‘Janatar Mancha’ (Peoples Dias) in front of the National Press Club, Where  people form all walks of life, including the officer and officials of the Secretariat assembled to show their  allegiance to Sheikh Hasina and their solidarity with the on-going movement. In the face of the anti-Khaleda  mass-upsurge, Bugum Zia declared her resignation from power (March 30, 1996). The President appointed Justice  Mohammad Habibur Rahman, fromer Chief Justice of the Supreme Court as the head of the caretaker government.