This Paper attempts to illustrate that certain acts of violence against women and children in Bangladesh, particularly those committed-post September 2001, are part of a systematic political persecution and manifestation of an extremist religious/political ideology. An extract from an investigative report of such systematic violence is annexed at the end of this paper. The systematic nature of these atrocities and torture particularly upon women, are reminiscent of the experiences during 1971. Humanity did not have language to describe the gruesome nature of those crimes in 1971. Inadequate expressions like ‘rape’ were used to describe such experience on 1971. But the real life nightmares experienced in Bangladesh were more sinister than just rape. In the Post Bosnia war, world humanity coined terms like ‘ethnic cleansing’ and ‘political cleansing’ which give more sense and meaning to what was the intent behind such systematic crimes. It is not unknown to use systematic crimes of mass rape as part of ‘ethnic cleansing’ just as the killing of the intellectuals were done during 1971 as part of the game plan, so as to cripple an ethnic group i.e, the Bangalee people from asserting itself politically or as a nation. In order to fully understand and appreciate the systematic nature of the violence it is necessary to step back in history and look into the past from the experience of the women of Bangladesh. If we can do that without any bias, a pattern shall inevitably emerge, linking the past with the present and the future trends. It will help us identify the extreme politico-religious ideological conflict today which gives rise to such systematic violence against women.

The majority of the population in Bangladesh are (moderate) Muslims. The birth of a nation with majority Muslim population, founded on the premises and principles of “Secularism” is almost unheard of and unprecedented. Yet in 1971 during the ‘cold war’ era, exactly that happened when Bangladesh emerged as an independent nation state. This was an unparallel experience whereby a majority Muslim population exercised their right of self-determination and declared themselves as an independent, separate, secular state. It is evident that religion alone was not enough to hold the two wings of Pakistan together.

For many the unthinkable had happened and Bangladesh was born upon the fundamental principles interalia, ‘Bengalee nationalism’ and ‘Secularism’. They had indeed ruffled many feathers in high and mighty places and upset the ideological status-quo and the current thinking of the time, Bangladesh manifestation of a nation through its Peoples, right of self determination, is therefore considered by many to be an undesirable and even a dangerous precedent. The ‘birth cry’ of Bangladesh as reflected in the Proclamation of Independence dated 10.4.71, was that of human dignity, i.e., equality of all citizens irrespective of gender or religion; and social justice as expounded in our Constitution.

The liberation struggle was a response, inter-alia, to the above mentioned human rights derogation by the Pakistani State. The materialization of the right to self determination was reflected in the Proclamation of Independence which culminated into the birth of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh and our Constitution, where all source of power in the Republic belongs to the People as per Article 7 of the Constitution. We have bequeathed to ourselves an independent country and a Constitution. This type of Constitution has been described as ‘Autochthonous Constitution’. Most Constitutions in this region were negotiated by colonial powers when they retreated. In recent times, the Constitution of Hong Kong met a similar fate, which was a result of Sino-British Treaty. The People of Hong Kong had very little say in respect of their Constitution. Whereas we, they People of Bangladesh, have proclaimed our independence and have given ourselves a Constitution, without any consent or approval from any superior power or anyone whomsoever. This experience of ‘self determination’ is very rare. Another rare example is the USA, where the people of America have also exercised such rights. The exercise of the right of self determination by the Bangalee People was done in a cold war era without the support of any of the major international powers, i.e., China, the USA or the Middle Eastern Countries. However, it would be appropriate to acknowledge the support of the freedom loving people of the United States of America.

Let us now consider the relevance of ‘Secularism’ and ‘Bengalee Nationalism’ in the context of women’s movement and experience in Bangladesh.

(a) Secularism:

Conventional establishment propagation an active Islamic ideology, particularly in the affairs of the state, find it very difficult to accommodate secularism within their mindset; whereas the People of Bangladesh found on conflict or contradiction between the concept of secularism and Islam. Rather their understanding of Islam is that it is tolerant and secular in nature.

Within the framework of a Secular State, the women’s movement during the 60s, which enjoys and unbroken chain of history with feminist movements in this part in the world (which can be traced over last 250 years), felt that this provides a golden opportunity to break away from the religious dogma and persecution on the ground of their gender. Muslim women were not particularly encouraged to even get educated. The teachings and writings of Begum Rokeya bear testimony of how women were subjugated in the name of Islam and ‘pardah’. The paper does not attempt to embark upon the discourse of what, true Islam, actually offers women but rather the way Islam is portrayed and practiced, or what is preached in the name of ‘Islam’ and implication vis-a-vis the rights of women.

It is also relevant to mention that feminist or women’s movements in this part of the world were not injected by any western phenomena, or led by NGO’s as has been alleged by the religious extremists. Rather it is very much ‘Shawdeshi’ and ‘home-spun’ movement stretching over 250 years at lest. Begum Rokeya, Nellie Sen Gupta, Pritilata Waddar and Sultana Razia just a few names that may be mentioned to illustrate this point.

b) Bangali Nationalism: The Bangalee nationalist movement peaked in 1952 during language movement against the attempt by West Pakistanis to impose ‘Urdu’ as the only national language. Bangalee nationalism resisted the chauvinism by native Urdu-speakers and rulers to undermine the Bangalee language and culture, which the Pakistanis considered to be less ‘pure’. Whereas ‘Urdu’ was considered by many to be the language of the Muslims in the Subcontinent and therefore more ‘Islamic’. Thus it was an attempt to destroy the delicate interplay, nuances and differences that exist between culture and religion. It was never difficult for the Bangalee people to demarcate and appreciate this difference between religion and culture; whereas the Pakistani rulers attempted to ‘Islamize’ everything, including culture, as per their own perception of Islam.

Nationalism in certain cases can be rather negative, exclusionary and even fascistic in nature. Bangalee nationalism, on the contrary, was and still is an example of a positive and ‘inverse-nationalism’, taking pride in the rich cultural heritage, which is inclusive and tolerant in nature. Bangali Culture through its music, dance, poetry, literature, norms and values, celebrates the diversity in nature, seasons, peoples, the different languages, other cultures, religious beliefs and way of life of the indigenous people and tribals who have lived in the geographic patch of land for hundreds and thousands of years.

The impact of Secularism and the fervor of Bangali Nationalism meant that Bengali Muslim women could shake off the religious dogmas and in principle at least begin to enjoy freedom of expression, freedom of movement, engage in various cultural pursuits including singing, dancing, wearing the ‘Sari’ and clothes of their choice, rather than remain in Purdah and wear hijjab or Burka which was considered by some to be the only appropriate attire for a Muslim women. They tried to impose the ‘Burka’ on Bangali women alleging the SARI was a ‘hindu dress’ which was no foundation either in religion or elsewhere i.e., a Hindu women in Punjab may have never worn a SARI in her life. However the Bangali (Muslim) women with her sari prevailed over such dogma. These were the real issues for our mother and aunts during the 1960s. Thus the women’s movement not only supported the cause of liberation based on Bangali Nationalism and secular values but also saw this as an opportunity to achieve de-facto equality, at the background of such enabling principles, which allowed tolerance and diversity.

Whittling away of the premises upon which Bangladesh was born:

Alas, over the last 25 years there has been a systematic whittling away of these basic principles and values upon which Bangladesh as born. A consequence of this is a negative impact on women particularly. Article 12 and the word secularism is no longer to be found in the constitution or its Preamble. It was omitted by the Proclamation (Amendment) order No. 1 of 1978. Article 12 used to read as follows:

The principles of secularism shall be realized by the elimination of:

a) communalism in all its forms;

b) the granting by the State of Political status in favour of any religion;

c) the abuse of religion for political purposes;

d) any discrimination against, or persecution of, person practicing a particular religion.”

Thereafter Islam was declared as the State Religion of the Republic and Article 2 was inserted to the Constitution by the Eight Amendment Act XXX of 1988, S.2. It however begs the question and the debate continues whether a Republic (as opposed to a Monarchy) could at all have a State religion. In addition to the question that secularism being part of the basic structure of the Constitution, whether the assault upon the basic structure is possible and the purported amendment to one of the four fundamental pillars of the Constitution is ultra-vires and therefore void.

Similarly Article 9 of the Constitution is no longer there, due to the proclamation (Amendment) Order 1977. Article 9 used to be read as follows :

“The unity and solidarity of the Bangalee nation, which, derived its identity from its language and culture, attained sovereign and independent Bangladesh through an united and determined struggle in the war of Independence, shall be the basis of Bangalee nationalism.”

Thereafter, it was noticed that in radio and television which were both state controlled monopolies, the performances by women artists, singing Tagore Songs and dancing were almost nil. The female newscasters are subjected to wear their sarees in a peculiar way. These are just a few examples, but the women’s movement generally suffered a big, blow along with all freedom loving and democratic people when Constitutional governance was interrupted and the guaranteed fundamental right were held in abeyance.

The silver lining during this period of dark clouds was the emergence of the NGO movements, which at the grass root worked towards the empowerment of women. The NGO’s offered women a viable alternative to ‘purdah’ and offered financial independence. Poverty alleviation programs by NGO’s meant working with the landless, the poorest of the poor. Inevitably it was the single mothers whether deserted or divorced with or without children, who fitted the picture. The operation of the laws of inheritance (Hindu/Muslim/religious laws), land distribution, customs and practices coupled with poverty meant that inescapably the ‘poorest of the poor’ and landless were by far the women folk of Bangladesh. However, these women began to smile, the smile of confidence and success. Their individual success stories culminated in the collective national success of micro-credit gaining international recognition and credibility. Though there are very few areas were Bangladesh’s achievements can be rated as internationally successful, yet those limited arena where Bangladesh has made a breakthrough in development, whether in the filed of micro-credit, birth control, reduction of infant mortality rate, the garments sector etc. the contribution of women and particularly the underprivileged women, have been 99%. There may be many criticism of the NGOs at many levels i.e., their accountability/transparency, but nonetheless their contribution during the 1980’s, 90’s and in respect of empowerment of grass root women cannot be overemphasized denied.

This process of empowerment of women at the grass root level caused a ‘power shift’ from the ‘clergy’ and ‘mohajan’ class towards more self dependent women and under privileged persons in a village community. She was no longer dependent on the money lender/or the clergy whether for an emergency loan to buy medicine for Her child with diarrhea or holy water to treat an ailing child. NGO lead credit facilities and child care clinic were not far. This ‘power shift’ meant a new order’ which is inevitably resisted by those who benefited from the old order, i.e. the clergy, the ‘matbar/mohajan’, the money lender, etc. In fact it was a silent revolution changing the social landscape of rural Bangladesh It is no longer unusual to see a rural woman in a bi-cycle go to work. This was unthinkable in by gone days. Thus the clergy and the Mahajan class fought back with systematic violence against women by way of fatwa and attacks on NGO. Almost always persecution and fatwas have been given against women, subjecting them to inhuman, cruel, and degrading treatment in the name of Islam by way of a ‘Shalish’ is a fiat of a handful of influential people, invariably all men and including the clergy. Although, these are portrayed as mediations, but inevitably they are not mediations at all. Rather they are dictates and imposition by the clergy of his own subjective value judgments and pre-historic punishment, contrary to the existing law, in the name of Islam. Whereas in true mediations the parties to the conflict are in control of the dispute as well as the outcome which is mutually decided, and the mediator acts merely as a facilitator between them. A publication entitled ‘Fatwa’ has been done by compilation of fatwas reported in newspapers and it is interesting to note that over 98% of fatwas are directed against women, or against developmental activities whether by the State or NGOs engaged in the process of empowerment of women and poverty alleviation. The fatwabaj are without exception not only anti-women but also anti-development. Even the first lady Judge of the Supreme Court has not been spared from such fatwas, due to her Judgment which gave protection to a victim of fatwa who was a pregnant women and directed the police to take appropriate steps against the concerned ‘fatwabaj’. Fatwas in effect are a systematic tool of violence and repression against women.

This extreme religious/political force which opposed the break-up of Pakistan and actively collaborated with the Pakistan army and actively took park in genocide, rape and ‘ethnic cleansing’ have galvanized themselves over the years and by virtue of the ‘Alliance’ are now in power. They are again systematically committing such rape, specially amongst minority women, in a manner which is anachronistic in nature, a stark reminder of 1971. The individual perpetrators of today may be different individuals than those in 1971, but ideologically they are the same and by themselves a class of their own. The attack on the Bengali New Year, Udichi Cultural function and on the participants in Brahmanbaria human rights festivals, were not just isolated incidents. Hundreds of women were eye witness to the violence in Brahmanbaria where a certain Madrasa students and teachers openly attacked upon those grass root women, NGO workers and human rights activists.

Similarly the terrorist attack and bomb blast on the Bengali New Year celebration and Udichi Cultural program are not isolated incidents either. These are attacks upon the very premise of Bangalee culture and sense of ‘nationhood’ upon which Bangladesh was founded. During such cultural festivities women come out in celebration of ‘life’, nature and change of seasons. Women also personify the creative energy of Mother nature and the bounty of life. Religious zealots, fanatics and dogma attempt to prohibit such celebration by women, feeling insecure and threatened by such feminine forces, lest she unleashes the forces of life and creation! Thus they are banished by subjugation and pardah, all in the name of religion.

The present terrorist acts, save the scale and magnitude of these acts, are no different in intent, purpose and culpability than what is behind the incident on September 11, 2001. The ideological source of all these attacks are similar, if not identical. Though no concrete proof exists in respect of ideological doctrine is identified. Similarly the ideological fingerprints of these terrorists acts in Bangladesh and these attacks on women in particular, are also unmistakable as the same religious/political force which opposed the cause of Bangladesh in 1971 and committed crimes against humanity, raped and tortured women in the name of religion. This terrorist politico-religious force, is not just anti-liberation but also anti-women and anti-development. In fact they are dark forces against civilization and humanity as we know it.

In Brahmanbaria, in open day light, the perpetrators were identified as teachers and students of a particular Madrasa. As per British Parliamentary proceedings, Hansard, and various other prestigious publications and reports etc, Taliban terrorists were trained in identifiable six madrasas in Pakistan, not in Afghanistan. The Taliban treatment towards women is not only cruel but may be described as a form of apartheid on the ground of gender. Is therefore totally coincidental that a certain madrasa students and teachers would attack upon unarmed women going about their own activities, engaging in self awareness, empowerment programs followed by cultural activities, as it was planned to have happened in Brahmanbaria, but for the interception by these terrorists?

The post Oct’ 01 election, violence on women is even more draconian and gruesome, systematic violation of women is being used as a political message to the family and the community in question, that they exist at the mercy of the perpetrators, that they better ‘toe the line’ or else nothing is safe. In Bhola, about 100 incidents of rape took place on a single day, i.e., 2.10.2001 in a systematic manner, including one upon an eight year old child. In Bagherhat gang rape upon a pregnant women in front of her husband and in-laws is another such incident of perverse mindset to cause terror in the community in question. NGO activities in many areas have been declared to be prohibited by these fanatics. NGO workers and human rights activists do not have easy access to the victims of such atrocities. They are  in any event too scared to open their mouth and are under continuous threat. The police have become sheer bystanders.

Victims of rape in our socio-legal context, do not readily admit being victims of such crime. If she is a married women, her marriage is inevitably at risk and if she is unmarried her chances of getting married and finding a suitable groom are doomed or at least very remote. Even her own family may not extend her the support that she do desperately seeks. It is feared that such an instance may adversely affect the prospects of other females in the family, in addition to the same being perceived as tarnishing the family.

In our society she is first branded as a victim. Thereafter the society at large, including the law enforcement machinery starts the process of victimizing her again and again. Only if a women is very brave and refuses to accept the transgression and violation upon her body and psyche, she comes out and seeks justice as has been the case of Purnima from Sirajganj. But such instance are very few and far between... This is more common when there are human rights workers giving her support and create an enabling environment for her to feel sufficiently secure only then she may admit the incident and identify the perpetrator. The general tendency is to hush up and even her family may encourage her to hush up. Not to mention the intimidation and threat by the perpetrators. On top of that if the victim happens to be from a minority community, there is double jeopardy.

When these incidents were brought to the notice of the present government by the media and other NGO reports, they were brushed aside as more exaggeration in the media. It is yet another way to condone crime and is perceived as a cover up. It also reflects a total lack of understanding of the socio-economic backdrop in which these incidents occur, particularly the vulnerability of the minority women. The Hon’ble Minister ought to have known that even if there was one such incident, then it is one too many. The concerned minister ought to have taken a strong stance to cause investigation of such an incident rather than ostracize and disempower these victims further by such irresponsible statements which further intensifies their sense of helplessness.

Fanaticism, wherever it occurs, attacks women and disadvantaged members of the community. In spite of the systematic nature of these crimes, no attempt has been made by the government to identify the source of funding for these crimes or groups/forces behind such crimes. On the other hand, the source of funding for NGO’s whose activities include the empowerment of women, are being checked and restricted by this government, soon after the ‘Alliance’ come into power. Many of the NGO workers are out of job and projects which impact on poverty alleviation and/or empowerment of women had to be either abandoned or could not be followed through.

There are also certain ‘donor’ and international funding under the pretext of Islam for such systematic terrorist activities, its training and commission of these crimes and, ideological indoctrination. However, such source of funding is neither transparent nor does it have to be registered with the NGO Bureau. There is no accountability for any money, including foreign donation for such unlawful purpose, if the same can be guised as a charity for imparting religious terrorist purpose which is apparently guised under legitimate transactions. There need to be political will and resource allocation by the government to identify and check these source, rather them live in the fantasy world of pathological denial and cover ups.

It is indeed significant that the recent government action has impacted upon drying up of funding for NGO activities, whereas, lack of any action by the government has increased the systematic violence as tools of political persecution, including rape, by a force with certain religious/political ideology. It also significant that these extreme religious/political ideology is a global trend and there is a global strategy and “South Asia” features as a current target, while they have perpetrators who act locally.

Children are often targets for training and indoctrination as potential fanatics and disadvantaged children from poor families are often considered to be most suitable materials for making the best fanatics. Madrasas operate on those premises and grounds. Thus transparency and accountability of madrasha activities are very much an issue. Although we used to take pride in the fact that we are moderate of liberal values resulting from our rich Bangalee culture and as such Bangladesh will never fall into the hands of religious fanatics, nonetheless there is a new element in this analysis. Over the past 15 years the madrasa style education has created a new class and generation in our society whose views are neither liberal nor moderate, nor are they tolerant. They have not had the benefit to being exposed and liberal ideas through Bangalee culture norms values or literature and certainly not from western sources.

Article 17 of Constitution, however, mandates the establishment of ‘a uniform, mass oriented and universal system of education’ based on values and principles of universal human rights where teaching of different and comparative religious would be permissible, rather than communal form of education as it exists today and which gives rise to different ‘classes’ and conflicts of values in society. It is therefore doubtful, whether madrasa education is its present form is at all permissible under our Constitution which espouses and enshrines the principles contained in Article 1. While the fundamental principles of the state policy may not be enforceable as a ‘sword’, but nonetheless such principles may be relied upon and used as a ‘shief’ when the state is engaging in conduct or activities which are in derogation to the express principles and policies as enunciated in the Constitution.

Finally, a ward of caution to our friends in the International (donor) Community who support us in our cause of empowerment of women and human rights. It has not been unknown in the past (cold war era) for international power brokers to support and prop-up religious fanatic/fundamentalist regimes, as a buffer against communism. We take this opportunity to highlight the conflict and self contradiction of such a dual policy. On the one hand, the funding of gender empowerment programs/projects and on the other hand to support fanatic regimes, which have no regard to the right of women or their hand to support fanatic regimes, which have no regard to the rights of women or their empowerment, negate any worthwhile aim and objective. Resources allocated to achieve human rights and gender empowerment outcomes or results are in effect more or less negated by resources allocated to support fanatic/fundamentalist regimes. Thus it is a total waste of resources to fund such conflicting aims, since such opposite efforts to achieve contradictory results/outcomes in effect cancel each other out. The training support and establishment of the Taliban regime was done with the support of certain foreign power perhaps with a certain political agenda or ‘outcome’. Yet, their treatment towards women, no regard for human dignity and terrorism is such a glaring example, whereby a ‘Frankenstein’ was created which went berserk and out of control.

In conclusion, actively promoting steps for empowerment of women and de-factor equality of women, the principles of which have already been recognized and acknowledged in our Constitution, would undoubtedly check the rise of religious fanaticism. The breeding ground for fanaticism is economic distress and poverty. Let us also not be in doubt that this extreme religious/political ideology, because of its inherent religious dogma, can not support the cause of empowerment of women and thereby act against the measures for poverty alleviation and economic development of Bangladesh. In the process of empowerment of women there is automatic impact on reduction of poverty and rise in our development index, as has been the experience of successful development programs in Bangladesh.

Thus effective programs for emancipation and empowerment of women, whether at grass root level, in national life and politics, through direct election of women in parliament as has been demanded, reform of personal laws to improve women’s personal legal status, equal right to property, inheritance and other economic development programs which involve women would check the rise of this dark, cruel and extreme politico-religious force which threatens to engulf every premise upon which Bangladesh was born and undo the same by systematic subjugation, terror and violence, particularly against women, as a tool for political persecution.

There is a systematic and consistent pattern of these atrocities that is evidently emerging indicates the clear fingerprints of politico-religious dogma behind these mediaeval gruesome acts of violence based on anachronistic mindset and politics which is historically buried and was defeated in 1971. This defeated force has re-surfaced again by virtue of the ‘Alliance’ government and by systematic and careful (global) planning) engaged in the process of engulfing every premise upon which Bangladesh was founded and undo these premises, both in principle and in reality. Including the re-writing of history as is already evident from the distortions being made in school books for children.

There are sufficient indications and information already available for us to act now to counter this trend. If we wait for the unfolding of the full facts and evidences, the game plan by this extreme politico-religious forces may be over by then and it would be too late to do anything. We must therefore be mindful that unless there is an effective and timely intervention now by taking appropriate steps to thwart these dark forces of political-religious fundamentalists, we may find ourselves before long in a situation similar to those existing not only in Pakistan but also in Iran and Afghanistan, at a time when all these countries are consciously endeavoring to come out of such a situation by making mends and ‘u-turns’ of their previous policies. Whereas the current ‘Alliance’ government in Bangladesh are not only ‘friendly’ to such dogmatic and orthodox religious force, but also harboring and condoning those acts and atrocities. Such a prospect and scenario of repetition of those mistakes and blunders in our country, resulting from those dark forces sitting at the citadel of power, sends shivers though the psyche of any decent member of any civil society, whether at home or abroad. Thus all enlightened forces must unite, nationally and internationally, to combat these dark forces of political-religious fundamentalists, terrorism and crime against humanity. Enlightment shall no doubt win over these dark forces, because ‘darkness’ itself does not exist as an entity nor does it have any attribute of its own, apart from the lack of light and light must surely fall where there is darkness.

AS ANNEXURE

FACT FINDING REPORTS FROM DIFFERENT ORGANIZATIONS

Because of the unprecedented scale of violence in September to November 2001, several human rights organization and other concerned groups, have visited the areas reported in the newspapers, met with victims, recorded their experiences as well as those of eye witnesses. The following information has been compiled from fact finding investigations by several organizations. Other reports are incoming and will be added subsequently.

A.            Investigation by various Human Right Organizations.

            1. Khulna

            Reports by Sommilito Samajik Andolon.

            Bagerhat, Khulna

1.         Place of occurrence: Bishnupur

Date and time of occurrence: 19 & 20 November, 2001

Observers: Pankaj Bhattacharya, Prof. Hayat Mamud and Chowdhury Korshed Alam

Date of visit: 27 November, 2001.

Rape victims: Jayanti Bhattacharya (20-21) D/O Sunil Bhattacharya; Urmila Bhattacharya (40) W/O late Biren Bhattacharya and Wife of Duba Prasad Chakrabarty were gang raped by Mujib, Hasheem, Ilias and others.

2.         Place of occurrence: Gopalpur village under Badhal union of Kachua thana.

Date and Time of occurrence: 19 & 20 November, 2001

Observers: Pankaj Bhattacharya, Hayat Mamud and Chowdhury Khorshed Alam and others.

Date of visit: 27 November, 2001

Rape victims: Sagarika Sikdar (21) W/O Prasanta Sikdar, Sikha Rani Sikdar (23) W/O Ratan Sikdar (16), W/O Arabindu Sikdar, their mother-in-law and grand daughter (names not disclosed); Sandhya Rani Hawladar (45) W/O Chittra Ranjan Hawladar; (10) were gangraped, Wife of Krishnapada Sarkar of Pashchimpara is now under treatment in Kachua Hospital after being gang raped.

Perpetrators: Babul Sheikh, S/O Kasem Ali Sheikh; Rustam Sikdar, S/O. Belayet Sikdar; Swapan Milla, S/O. Ranjan Molla; Asad Molla, S/O. Mastu Molla; Hemayet Sikdar, S/O Mobin Sikdar; Saiful Sheikh, S/O. Kader Hosstain. The incident allegedly took place under the patronage and instruction of former upazila Chairman Nazrul Islam.

Special observation: Madhubala Das (35) of Raghudandakathi under Kachua Thana secretly informed the team that Salam Jamadar, Kalam Jamadar, Nasir Jamadar of the same village conducted raid and destroyed a temple. Their house was the principal target because her husband Nimai Das was a freedom righter.

3.         Place: Purba Sayesta Village in Shat Gambuj Union of Bagerhat Thana.

Date of visit: 27 November, 2001.

Observers: Pankag Bhattacharya, Hayat Mamud and Chowdhury Khorshed Alam.

Victims of rape: Mira Mukherji, Manabika Roy, and Durga Rani Mandal were gang raped.

Forced Migration: 45 families of this village has crossed the border into Indo.

Internally displaced persons: 17 familis have gone into hiding in fear of further attacks.

Plunder: Fish cultivated in pond looted.

            Perpetrators : Gangs parronized by Bagerhat Jobo Dol President and Tareq, UP Chairman son of 1971 collaborator Rajab Ali.

II            Bagerhat District

            Mollahat, Chilmari, Magala and Moralganj are the most affected upazillas under Bagerhat district. Based on very conservative estimates 50 young women were raped. Many Hindu families have taken shelter at Ramshil (under Gopalganj district). Many families often feel shy to publicise rape incidents. Others are forced to suppress facts due to intimidation of the local administration, refusal of police to register rape and above all the sense of insecurity.

            Two rape victims of a family from Mollahat have categorically stated that if their identities were disclosed they would deny the incidents due to lack of security. It is learnt that some armed youths sought shelter for a night in two houses at Rajnagar (a remote village in Rampal), recently. The heads of the families were too scared to refuse them. Two young girls in these two houses were raped by the armed youths at night. These two families were ashamed to talk about it or to file any case. Many silent rapes like this have taken place in the remote areas of Bagerhat.

            A group of armed terrorist under the leadership of Salam (28) s/o A. Ghani from village village Baruipara at about 3 : 00 am on 3 October, 2001 started mericlessly beating his father Samir Debnath and mother Minati Debnath. The terrorists then dragged Utpal’s pregnant wife from the bed and gang raped her in presence of her husband, father-in law and mother-in law.

            Their neighbour Debnath took injured Samir Debnath and rape victim Utpal’s wife to Jhaljhania Health Complex for treatment. It is learnt that the pregnant wife lost her baby due to gang rape. On the following morning Samir Debnath narrated the incident to UP Chairman, Officer in charge of police station and other respectable persons. When he wanted to file a rape case he was pressurised against this and he was compelled to register a dacoity case only under sections 143/447/448/323/390/490/492. Accused Salam and Hannan ere arrested and then released on bail. After the rape case was reported in the newspapers Samir Debnath was forced to go the police station and register a statement (diary No. 470 of 17 October 2001) denying the report of rape published in the newspapers.

4.         Place : Talbune Village of no. 10 Bastali union under Rampal Thana. Date of visit : 27 November 2001. Observers : Pankaj Bhattacharya, Hayat Mamud and Chowdhury Khorsed Alam. Plunder : Looting of  Shrimp farms.

            Extortion : The terrorists extorted money.

            Sexual assaults : The gangs attacked women and one of the terrorists, who is also accused of murder, forcibly tried to marry Bina Majumdar (d/o Bimal Pal). Forced migration : Bina Majumdar’s family had to migrate in India. A total of 10 families from this village have migrated to India.

            Perpetrators : The crimes were committed under the patronage and direction of the Mohamad Ali of Giltali.

III Bhola

5.         Place : Hardinge Union in village Annada Prasad, Lalmohan in Bhola, Date and Time of  occurrence : 2 October 2001, from 9:00 pm till next morning. Date of visit : 18 November, 2001.

            Observers : Pankaj Bhattacharya, Chowdhury Khurshed Alam and Advocate abu Taher.

            Rape Victims : About 100 women, between the ages of 8 to 50, who took shelter in the Bhandar Bari House were gang raped by 50 to 60 terrorists. Even an eight years old child and a disabled lame woman were raped. The women were gang raped. Administrative Action : The victims received Tk. 500 and 16 kgs of rice only once.

VII. Gopalganj

            Reports by Ain o Salish Kendro (ASK)

11.       Place : Ramshil Union, Kotalipara thana, Gopalganj

            Date of Investigation : 10 October, 2001

            Internally displacement : Many Hindus from Gournadi and Agoiljhora took shelter in Ramshil Union, Kotalipara Thana, Gopalganj District, after they were attacked or threatened with violence following the elections. They had no access to police protection, nor did the local administration provide them security to enable them to go brace to their homes. They had came here from several villages in Gournadi and agoiljhora including Moisturkandi, Kodaldoh, Bhinnbari, Ambari, Mollapara, Poisharhat, Kopaitnagar, Dhandoba, Domrkandi, Bakai Bahadurpur, Rajihor, Batajor, Rangta, Changgutiya, Baffra, etc. Their gods and deities were broken, their houses attacked and women subjected to violence.

B.            Testimonies of Persons in Ramshil shelter explaining why they had left their village.

1.         From Bahadurpur, Rajihor union, Agailjohra thana :

*          UP member Ranjit Dutt told ASK investigators that he and his family had sought refuge in Ramshil, four days earlier, because they were attacked by persons associated with BNP, Six shops, a few houses, puja mandap of Sunil Babu were demolished. In Goail, Kadirpar, Moistorkandi, Kodaloh, Dhakdoba, Rangta, Chadshi, Bakai villages, were attached but they were unable to report to the police station. Upendro Sarkar, Akhil Sarkar and a few other persons were attacked. The headmaster of Bahardurpur High School Upen Babu was forced to sign a check for Tk 50,000.00. Two women were beaten.

*            Perpetrators : Qaderi Bahini of Magura village were alleged to have carried out this violence.

*          Pijush Haldor of Bahadurpur village told us that he and his family left their village under threat of the terrorists. Hindu girls were unable to go to their schools. Womenand adolescent girls had left their homes. They were threatened that unless they paid 50160 thousand they would not be able to stay in their homes.

*          Aniana daughter of Narendor Ganguli (an HSC Examinee) said their house has attacked and their tin fence destroyed. They were attacked at night, and their goods were looted. The grandmother’s hands were broken. About 3/4 thousand had come to Ramshil.

2.         In Moisterkandi village, Gournodi :

*          Usha and her brother said their father, a chowkidar, had is house attacked, and the doors and windows were broken, and the furniture was taken away. Barek, a BNP terrorist had led this attack.

*            Muktaranni Bala, 21 years, daugher of Shwadanando Bala, said the terrorists threatened to kidnap the women, that is why she and her sisters had come to Ramshil. She had recognized the terrorists as BNP persons. Her brother Gourangbala was attacked and forced to sign a stamp paper or pay them 40,000. Since he refused, his hand was broken. They also stole the livestock, and as a result most of the Hindus have taken shelter in Ramshil. No young persons were staying in their homes in fear of the terrorists. She said that Nitai, Manoj Boido, Lakhi Blido, Narayan Boido, Govindo das, Jogdish Baroi had told her that their homes were attacked because they worked for the AL.

3.         From Chandoshi, Gourandi,

            Shwapan Bala said she had come to Ramshil 5 days ago. After the violence. Her brother was taken away and beaten because he had voted for the AL. The terrorists told him to go away to India. She didn’t know where her parents had gone. Approximately 100 persons from her village had taken shelter in Ramshil. Ashok, son of Krisnakanto Baroi, said his brother was murdered by BNP men, and as a result the rest of the six brothers had left their village and taken shelter in Ramshil. Two neighboring house were set on fire. Almost 2000 persons had taken shelter in Ramshil.

4.            Dhandoba, gournadi :

            Monohar Joydhor, 26 years old, said that on 2 October, after their house was attacked early in the morning they come to Ramshil. the attackers shouted slogans threw bombs and shouted that those who voted for the boat would not be allowed to stay here. 60 families had come to Ramshil. she said the army had arrested AL workers who were accused of terrorism by the BNP and had beaten them and released them.

5.            Kodaidoh, Gournadi :

            Gourango, 28 years, a van driver, said 10 Hindu families had left his village. On 9 October, BNP leaders had asked them to come back but they would not let AL workers come back. Mena Miah, A BNP member had instigated this.

            Monindranath shil, son of surendro Shil said his barber shop was broken into. Almost 90 percent of the villagers had voted of the AL, and its candidate had won. As a result they were subject to violent attacks. Romesh Adhikari, Anadi Mitro, Polin Baroi, Makhan Mitro were victimized. Almost a 1000 persons had come to Ramshil. A stationary shop belonging to khukiram Adhikari was attacked and goods worth 10,000 takas looted. They did not have the courage to go to the police station. There was no one from the administration here.

c.         Report by BBC News SOUTH ASIA based on interviews with Hindus who had fled to West Bengal

            ‘Bangladesh Hindus will not go back’.

            “They demanded 100,000 Taka ($1,770) as the fee if we wanted to live in that village,” she said, “Otherwise, they threatened me, we had to leave the country.”

            “it was not just me, other Hindu families in our village too were subjected to similar torture.

            We also heard stories of Hindu women being raped and murdered by armed hoodlums in neighboring village.”

            Dipali said, After this incident, Dipali’s family decided to migrate to India. They contacted a man in the border area who arranged their safe passage to India in exchange of money. We ran through jungles and over ditches the whole night and didn’t stop until we crossed the border. Dipali left behind her old parents to look after ancestral home.

            Mita Rani fled her home carrying her one-year old baby with a group of Hindu families when their village came under attack at midnight Mita Rani was not so lucky. I met Mita in a village in Malda in northern west Bangal. We ran through jungles and over ditches the whole night and didn’t stop until we crossed the border,’ Mita said her husband Anil Chandra Roy was not at home the day Mita fled the country.

            “I have lost contact with my husband since then.”

            “I don’t know if he knows that we are in India.”

            Back in Bangladesh, I visited Dipali’s village in the southern Bagerhat district, where her parents are among the few remaining inhabitants. The Hindu-majority village looked deserted. Dipali’s father Ganesh boiragi told me nearly half of the 250 families in the village had life for unknown destination.

            Mr. Boiragi said he also intended to leave the country as Hindus were no longer safe in that area.