(a) Secularism:- 
Conventional establishment propagating Islamic ideology find it very difficult to accommodate secularism within their mindset. Whereas the People of Bangladesh found no conflict or contradiction with the concept of secularism and Islam. Rather their understanding of Islam is that it is tolerant and secular in nature. 

Within the framework of a Secular State, the women’s movement during the 60s, which enjoys an unbroken chain of history with feminist movements of this part in the world (which can be traced over last 250 years), felt that this provides a golden opportunity to break away from the religious dogma and persecution on the ground of their gender. Muslim women were not particularly encouraged to even get educated. The teachings and writings of Begum Rokeya bears testimony to how women were subjugated in the name of Islam and ‘pardah’. This paper does not attempt to embark upon the discourse of what ‘true Islam’ actually offers women but rather the way Islam is practiced, and what is preached in the name of ‘Islam’ as well as its implication vis-a-vis the rights of women.

It is also relevant to mention that feminist or women’s movement in this part of the world was not injected by any western phenomena, or led by NGOs that has been polluting the minds of our women, as has been alleged by the religious extremists and terrorists. Rather it is very much ‘Shawdeshi’ and ‘home-spun’ movement stretching over 250 years at least. Begum Rokeya, Pritilata Sen, Sultana Razia are just a few names that may be mentioned to illustrate this point. 

(b) Bengali Nationalism:
Bengalee nationalist movement peaked in 1952 during the language movement against the attempt by West Pakistanis to impose ‘urdu’ as the only national language. Bengalee nationalism resisted the chauvinism by native urdu speakers and rulers to undermine the Bengalee language and culture, which the Pakistanis considered to be less ‘pure’. Whereas ‘urdu’ was considered by many to be the language of the muslims in the Subcontinent and therefore more “Islamic’. Thus it was an attempt to destroy the delicate interplay, nuances and differences that exists between culture and religion. It was never difficult for the Bengalee people to demarcate and appreciate this difference between religion and culture. Whereas the attempt by Pakistani rulers were to make everything ‘Islamic’ including culture, as per their own understanding of Islam.

‘Nationalism’ in certain cases can be rather negative, exclusionary and even fascistic in nature. Bengalee nationalism, on the contrary, was and still is an example of a positive and ‘inverse-nationalism’, taking pride in the rich cultural heritage, which is inclusive and tolerant in nature. Bengali Culture through its music, dance, poetry, literature, norms and values, celebrates the diversity in nature, seasons, people, different languages, other cultures, religious beliefs, way of life of the indigenous people, tribals etc. who lived in this geographic patch of land for hundreds and thousands of years. The impact of Secularism and the fervour of Bengali Nationalism meant that the Bengali Mulim women could shake off the religious dogmas and in principle at least begin to enjoy freedom of expression, freedom of movement, engage in various cultural persuits including signing, dancing, wearing the ‘Sari’ and clothes of their choice, rather than remain in Purdah and wear ‘hijab’ or ‘Burka’ which was considered to be the only appropriate attair for a muslim women. They tried to impose the ‘Burka’ on Bengali women alleging SARI was a ‘hindu dress’ which has no foundation either in religion or elsewhere i.e., a Hindu women in Punjab may have never worn a SARI in her life. However the Bengali (mulsim) women with her sari prevailed over such dogma. These were real issue for our mothers and aunts during the 1960s. Thus the women’s movement not only supported the cause of liberation based on Bengali Nationalism and secular values but also saw this as an opportunity to achieve de-facto equality, at the background of such enabling principles, which allowed for tolerance and diversity.

Whittling away of the premises upon which Bangladesh was born:

Alas, over the last 25 years there has been systematic attempt to whittle away these basic principles and values upon which Bangladesh was born. The consequence of this has a negative impact on women particularly. Article 12 and the word secularism is no longer to be found in the Constitution or its Preamble. It was omitted by the Proclamation (Amendment) order No. 1 of 1978. Article 12 used to read as follows: -

“The principles of secularism shall be realized by the elimination of: 

a) communalism in all its forms;
b) the granting by the State of Political status in favour of any religion;
c) the abuse of religion for political purposes;
d) any discrimination against, or persecution of, person practicing a particular religion;”

Thereafter Islam was declared to be the State Religion of the Republic and Article 2 was inserted to the Constitution by Eight Amendment Act XXX of 1988, S.2. It however begs the question and the debate continues whether a Republic (as opposed to a Monarchy) could at all have a ‘State religion’. In addition to the question that ‘secularism’ being part of the basic structure of the Constitution whether assault upon the basic structure is possible and purported amendment to one of the four fundamental pillars of the Constitution is ultra-vires and therefore void. 

Similarly Article 9 of the Constitution is no longer there, due to the Proclamation (Amendment) Order 1977. Article 9 used to be read as follows: 

“The unity and solidarity of the Bangalee nation, which, derived its identity from its language and culture, attained sovereign and independent Bangladesh through a united and determined struggle in the war of Independence, shall be the basis of Bangalee nationalism”

Thereafter, it was noticed that in radio and television which were both state controlled monopolies, the performances by women artists, singing Tagore Songs and dancing were almost nil. The female newscasters are subjected to wear their sarees in a peculiar way, so it looks more like a ‘kaftan’. Thus are just a few examples, but the women’s movement generally suffered a big blow, along with all freedom loving and democratic people when Constitutional governance was interrupted and the guaranteed fundamental rights were held in abeyance. 

The silver lining during these period of dark clouds were the emergence of the NGO movements, which at the grass root worked towards the empowerment of women. The NGO’s offered women a viable alternative to ‘purdah’ and offered financial independence. Poverty alleviation programs by NGOs meant working with the landless, the poorest of the poor. Inevitably it is was the single mothers, whether deserted or divorced with three children, who fitted the picture. The operation of the laws of inheritance, (religious laws), land distribution, customs and practices coupled with poverty meant that inescapably the ‘poorest of the poor’ and landless were by far the women folk of Bangladesh. However these women began to smile, the smile of confidence and success. Their individual success stories culminated into collective national success of micro-credit gaining international recognition and credibility. In fact there are very few areas where Bangladeshs’ achievements can be rated as internationally successful. However, in every such arena where Bangladesh has made a breakthrough in development, whether in the field of micro-credit, birth control, reduction of infant mortality rate, the garments sector etc., the contribution of women and particularly the underprivileged women, have been 99%. Although there may be many criticism of the NGOs in many levels i.e., their accountability/transparency but nonetheless their contribution during the 1980’s and 90’s in respect of empowerment of grass root women can not be denied.

This process of empowerment of women at grass root level caused a ‘power shift’ from the ‘clergy’ and ‘mohajan’ class towards more self dependence of women and under privileged persons in a village community. She was no longer dependent on the money lender/or the clergy whether for an emergency loan to buy medicine for her child with diarrhea or ‘holy water’ to treat an ailing child. NGO lead credit facilities and child care clinic were not far. This ‘power shift’ meant a ‘new order’ which is inevitably resisted by those who benefited from the ‘old order’, i.e. the clergy, the ‘matbar/mohajan’, the money lender, etc. In fact it was a silent revolution changing the social landscape of rural Bangladesh. It was not unusual to see a rural women in by-cycle to go to work. This would have been unthinkable in by gone times. Thus the clergy and the Mahajan class fought back with systematic violence against women by way of fatwa and attack on NGO, NGO workers etc. Almost always persecution and fatwas have been given against women, subjecting them to in human, cruel, and degrading treatment in the name of a Islam by way of a ‘Shalish’ (village mediation). However, these are not true mediations at all, rather imposition by the clergy pre-historic punishment, contrary to the existing law, in the name of Islam. An exercise has been done by compilation of fatwas reported in newspapers and it is interesting to note that over 98% of fatwas are directed against women, or against developmental activities whether by the State or NGOs engaged in the process of empowerment of women and poverty alleviation. The fatwabaj are therefore not only ‘anti-women’ but also ‘anti-development’. Even the first lady Judge of the Supreme Court has not been speared from such fatwas, due to her Judgment which gave protection toa victim of fatwa who was a pregnant women and directed the police to take appropriate steps against the concern ‘fatwabaz’ .Thus the fatwas has been used as a systematic tool of violence and repression against women. 

This extreme religious/political force which opposed the break-up of Pakistan and actively collaborated with the Pakistan army and actively took part in genocide, rape and ‘ethnic cleansing’ have galvanized themselves over the years and by virtue of the ‘Alliance’ are now in power. They are again systematically committing such rape, specially amongst minority women, in a manner which is anachronistic in nature, reminiscent of 1971. The individual perpetrators today may be different individuals than those in 1971, but ideologically they are the same. Thus the attack on Bengali New Year, Udichi Cultural function, on the participants in Brahmmanbaria human rights festivals were not just isolated incidents. Hundreds of women were eye witness to the violence in Brahamanbaria where a certain Madrasa students and teachers openly attacked on grass root women, NGO workers and human rights activists. 

Similarly the terrorist attack and bomb blast on the Bangalee New Years celebration and Udichi Cultural programme are not isolated incidents either. These are attacks upon the very premise of Bangalee culture and sense of ‘nationhood’ upon which Bangladesh was born. During such cultural festivities women came out in celebration of ‘life’, nature and change of seasons. They sing and dance. Women also personify the creative energy of Mother nature and bounty of life. Religious zealots, fanatics and dogmas attempts to prohibit such celebration by women, often threatened by such feminine forces, lest she unleashes the forces of life and creation! Thus they are banished by subjugation and pardah, all in the name of religion. 

The present terrorist acts, save the scale and magnitude of these attacks, are no different in intent and culpability than what is behind the incident on September 11, 2001. The ideological source of all these attacks are similar, if not identical. Just as no concrete proof exists in respect of the perpetrators of September 11, 2001 (i.e., 9/11), nonetheless the extreme religious/political ideological doctrine is identified. Similarly the ideological fingerprints of these terrorist acts in Bangladesh and these systematic attacks on women in particular, are also unmistakable as the same religious/political force which opposed the cause of Bangladesh in 1971 committed crimes against humanity, raped and tortured women in the name of religion. These terrorist religious/political force, is not just anti-liberation but also anti-women and anti-development. In fact they are dark forces against civilization and humanity as we know it. 

In Brahmanbaria, in open day light, the perpetrators were identified as teachers and students of a particular Madrasha. As per British Parliamentary proceedings, Hansard, and various other prestigious publications and reports, Taliban terrorists were trained in identifiable six madrasahs in Pakistan, not in Afghanistan. The Taliban treatment towards women is not only cruel but may be described as a form of ‘aparthied’ on the ground of gender. It is therefore totally coincidental that a certain Madrasha student and teachers would attack upon unarmed women going about their own activities, engaging in self awareness,, empowerment programs followed by cultural activities, as it was planned to have happened in Brahmanbaria, but for the interception by these terrorists? 

The post election violence on women are even more draconian and gruesome. Systematic rape is being used as a political message to the family and the community in question, that they exist at the mercy of the perpetrators. That they better ‘toe the line’ or else nothing is safe. In Bhola, about 100 incidents of rape took place on a single day, i.e, 2.10.2001 in a systematic manner, including one upon an eight year old child. In Bagherhut gang rape upon a pregnant women in front of her husband and in-laws is another such incident of a perverse mindset to cause terror in the community in question. NGO activities in many areas have been declared to be prohibited by these fanatics. NGO workers and human rights activists do not have easy access to the victims of such atrocities. They are in any event so scared to open their mouth and are under continuous threat. The police have become sheer bystanders.

Victims of rape in our socio-legal context, do not readily admit being victims of such crime. If she is a married woman, her marriage is usually at risk and if she is unmarried her chances of getting married and finding a suitable groom is dismissed or at least very remote. Even her own family may not extend her the support that she so desperately seeks.

In our society she is first branded as a ‘victim’. Thereafter the society at large, including the law enforcement machinery starts the process of victimizing her again and again. Only if a women is very brave and can not accept the transgression and violation upon her body and phyche, she comes out and seeks Justice as has been in the case of Purnima from Sirajganj. But they are very few and far between .... This is more common when there are human rights workers giving her support and create an enabling environment for her to feel sufficiently secure only then she may admit the incident and identify the perpetrator. The general tendency is to hush up and even her family may encourage her to hush up. Not to mention the intimidation and threat by the perpetrators. On top of that if the victim happens to be from a minority community, there is double jeopardy. 

When these incidents were brought to the notice of the present government by the media and other NGO reports, these were brushed aside as mere exaggeration. It is yet another way to condone such crime and perceived as a cover up. It also reflects a total lack of understanding of socio-cultural backdrop in which these incidents occur, particularly the vulnerability of the minority women. Even if there was one such incident, then it is one too many. The concerned minister ought to have taken a strong stance to cause investigation of such an incident rather than disempower these victims further by such irresponsible statements which further intensifies their sense of helplessness. 

Fanaticism, wherever it occurs attacks on women and disadvantaged members of the community. Inspite of the systematic nature of these crimes, no attempt has been made by the government to identify the source of finding for these crimes. On the other hand the source of funding for NGO’s who activities include the empowerment of women, are being checked and restricted by this government, soon after the ‘Alliance’ came into power. Many of he NGO workers are out of job and projects which impacts on poverty alleviation and/or empowerment of women had to be either abandoned or could not be followed through.

There are also certain ‘donor’ and international funding for such systematic terrorist activities, its training and commission of these crimes and, ideological indoctrination. However such source of funding is neither transparent nor does it have to be registered with the NGO Bureau. There is no accountability for any money, including foreign donation for such unlawful purpose, if the same can be guised as charity for imparting religious values and/or education. There are many sophisticated mechanisms of money laundering for such terrorist purpose which is apparently guised under legitimate transactions. There need to be political will and resource allocation by the government to identify and cheeck these source, rather than live in the fantasy world of pathological denial and cover ups. 

It is indeed significant that the recent government action has impacted upon drying up of funding for NGO activities; whereas, lack of any action by the government has increased the systematic violence as tools of political persecution, including rape, by a force with certain religious/political ideology. It is also significant that these extreme religious/political ideology is a global trend and there is a global strategy and “South Asia” features as a current target, while they have perpetratous who act locally.

Children are often targets for training and indoctrination as potential fanatics and disadvantaged children from poor families are often considered to be most sustainable materials which make the best fanatics. Madrashas operate on those grounds. Thus transparency and accountability of madrasha activities are very much an issue. Although we used to take pride in the fact that we are moderate muslims and as such Bangladesh will never fall into the hands of religious fanatics, nonetheless there is a new factor in this analysis. Over the last 15 years the madrasha style education has created a new class and generation in society whose views are not moderate, nor very tolerant. They have not had the benefit of being exposed to tolerant and liberal ideas through Bangalee culture, norms, values or literature and certainly not from western sources. 

Article 17 of Constitution, however, mandates the establishment of ‘a uniform, mass oriented and universal system of education’ based on values and principles of universal human rights where teaching of different and comparative religions would be permissible. Rather than communal form of education as it exists today and which gives rises to different ‘classes’ and conflicts of values in society.

Finally a word of caution to our friends in the International (donor) Community who support us in our cause of empowerment of women and human rights. It has not been unknown in the past (cold war era) for international power brokers to support and prop-up religious fanatic/fundamentalist regimes, as a buffer against communism. We take this opportunity to highlight the conflict and self contradiction of such a dual policy which is also a total waste of resources. On the one hand the funding of gender empowerment programs/projects and on the other hand to support undemocratic/fanatic regimes, which have no regard to the rights of women or their empowerment, negates any worthwhile aim and objective. The training, support, establishment of the Taliban regime with the support of certain foreign powers and their treatment towards women is such a glaring example, whereby a ‘Frankenstein’ was created which had gone berserk and out of control. 

In conclusion, actively promoting steps for empowerment of women and de-facto equality of women, the principles of which have already been recognized and acknowledged in our Constitution, would undoubtedly check the rise of religious fanaticism. The breeding ground for fanaticism is economic distress and poverty. Let us also not be in doubt that this extreme religious/political ideology, because of its inherent religious dogma, can not support the cause of empowerment of women and thereby act against the measures for poverty alleviation and economic development of Bangladesh. In the process of empowerment of women there is automatic impact on reduction of poverty and rise in our development index, as has been the experience of successful development programs in Bangladesh. 

Thus effective programs for emancipation and empowerment of women, whether at grass root level, in national life and politics, through direct election of women in Parliament as has been demanded, reform of personal laws to improve women’s personal legal status, equal right to property, inheritance and other economic development programs which involve women would check the rise of this dark, cruel and extreme religious/political force which threatens to engulf every premise upon which Bangladesh was born and undo the same by systematic subjugation, terror and violence, particularly against women, as a tool for political persecution. 

AS ANNEXURE 


FACT FINDING REPORTS FROM DIFFERENT ORGANIZATIONS

Because of the unprecedented scale of violence in September to November 2001, several human rights organizations and other concerned groups, have visited the areas reported in the newspapers, met with victims, recorded their experiences as well as those of eye witnesses. The following information has been compiled from fact finding investigations by several organizations. Other reports are incoming and will be added subsequently.