A Dossier on Human Rights Violations in Bangladesh Under the Interim Government

Bangladesh is undergoing a deep human rights crisis under the unelected interim government led by Muhammad Yunus. This dossier highlights a disturbing pattern of state-backed repression, violence, and legal impunity.

Key findings include:

• Killings: Extrajudicial deaths, custodial killings, and suspicious suicides, especially among opposition and Hindu security personnel.
• Arrests: Mass arbitrary arrests of political activists, journalists, and protesters.
• Torture: Widespread reports of physical and psychological torture in custody.
• Rape & abuse: Sexual violence used as a method of intimidation, particularly against women activists.
• Gender-based violence: Increasing threats, harassment, and repression targeting women.
• Press crackdown: Journalists arrested, media houses raided, and freedom of expression crushed.
• Fake cases: Thousands charged in identical, baseless cases, used to paralyze dissent.
• Religious violence: Hindus targeted with discrimination, threats, and institutional exclusion.

Purpose of this report:

• To inform the international community and legal forums.
• To document systemic abuse and state complicity.
• To urge urgent global attention and intervention.

This is not a temporary crackdown; it is a coordinated assault on democracy, dignity, and the rule of law.

A Reign of Fear and Silence

Bangladesh is currently undergoing a period of severe political turbulence following the formation of an interim government in August 2024, led by Muhammad Yunus. Although initially presented as a neutral, transitional authority aimed at restoring democratic order, the interim regime has instead presided over a systematic erosion of fundamental rights and civil liberties throughout the country. What began as a political transition has devolved into institutionalized repression.

The absence of democratic legitimacy and judicial oversight has enabled a climate where the rule of law is routinely disregarded. Security forces operate with near-total impunity, resulting in arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearances, custodial deaths, and the widespread use of torture and intimidation. The judiciary, rather than acting as a safeguard, has become an instrument of political coercion, further eroding public trust in the legal system.

The current administration has adopted authoritarian methods to silence dissent, suppress political opposition, and dismantle freedom of the press. Peaceful assembly is criminalized, and journalists, lawyers, students, and human rights defenders are subjected to harassment, surveillance, and detention.

At the same time, religious minorities, particularly Hindus, have reported escalating violence, discrimination, and intimidation, often carried out with impunity or the tacit complicity of state actors. Gender-based violence, including attacks on women in custody, has also increased under this regime.

Are human rights eroding under Muhammad Yunus?

This report presents a comprehensive dossier of documented human rights violations perpetrated under the current interim government. The evidence reflects a coordinated and deliberate strategy to suppress opposition, instill fear, and consolidate control through extrajudicial means. The situation poses a direct threat not only to the democratic aspirations of the Bangladeshi people but also to the international human rights obligations to which the state remains formally committed.

It is imperative that the international community, rights organizations, and legal forums take immediate and sustained action to address these violations, ensure accountability, and restore the rule of law in Bangladesh.

Extrajudicial Killings and Deaths in Custody

Following the collapse of democratic safeguards under the interim government, extrajudicial killings and custodial deaths have emerged as defining features of the current regime’s crackdown on dissent. These deaths, often unexplained or hastily declared as “suicides” or “natural causes,” reveal a pattern of state-sanctioned violence that operates outside the boundaries of legal accountability.

Since August 2024, there has been a notable spike in suspicious deaths involving members of the political opposition, primarily the Awami League, as well as professionals and minority community members serving in state institutions. In numerous instances:

• Detainees have died within days of arrest, often in police or prison custody.
• Authorities routinely attribute deaths to heart attacks, suicide, or pre-existing conditions, claims which are frequently contested by family members citing signs of torture or trauma.
• In Bogura prison alone, four opposition leaders died within a span of 29 days, all officially recorded as heart attacks, yet multiple reports noted visible bruises and injuries on the bodies. [Please read Fourth AL leader dies of ‘heart attack’ in Bogura prison in 29 days]
• Family members have been denied the right to file cases, and no independent post-mortems have been permitted in many cases.

Indigenous leaders and minority figures, including several Hindu personnel in law enforcement, have also died under suspicious circumstances inside government compounds and barracks. Though these deaths are almost universally declared “suicides,” the absence of credible investigations, suicide notes, or independent oversight undermines such claims.

The weaponization of custody, whether through physical abuse, psychological coercion, or outright murder, has become a routine means of controlling perceived enemies of the state. Those taken into custody are often:

• Denied legal representation
  
  
• Subjected to physical and mental abuse
  
  
• Held without formal charges under pretexts such as “national security” or “investigative necessity”

Despite credible documentation by human rights organizations, there has been no meaningful inquiry or accountability into these deaths. This climate of impunity, reinforced by state silence and judicial inaction, only emboldens further abuses.

The cumulative effect is chilling: detention itself has become a death sentence for many, and the absence of justice sends a clear signal to the public: no one is safe, and no recourse exists.

Human rights violations in Bangladesh during the interim government’s tenure

Arbitrary Arrests and Detentions

Following the wave of extrajudicial killings and custodial deaths, the interim government has relied heavily on arbitrary arrests and prolonged detentions as a key mechanism of political control. These actions, frequently executed without warrants, evidence, or due process, have contributed to an environment of pervasive fear and legal uncertainty.

Since the installation of the Yunus-led interim regime in August 2024, there has been a massive surge in arrests, with thousands detained across the country in connection with peaceful protests, political organizing, or simply for being affiliated, real or perceived, with the Awami League or critical civil society organizations.

The patterns are deeply troubling:

• Blanket First Information Reports (FIRs) are filed, often naming 200–600 “unknown” accused persons, providing wide latitude for indiscriminate arrests. [read: Over 48,400 arrested in one month]
• Police routinely pick up individuals without warrants, later justifying their detention under Section 54 of the Criminal Procedure Code, which allows arrest on “reasonable suspicion” without formal charges. [read: Bangladesh interim govt must end retaliatory arrests]
• Detainees are often denied bail, access to legal counsel, or even notification to family members, in direct violation of both domestic law and international human rights standards.
• Night raids have become commonplace, with plainclothes officers or paramilitary units detaining individuals from their homes without explanation.

Among those most affected:

• Opposition leaders, many of whom are imprisoned on charges that lack any substantiated evidence.
• Student activists who face swift detention for organizing or participating in peaceful demonstrations.
• Journalists and lawyers, who are increasingly viewed as adversaries by the state, simply for defending basic rights.
• Women and minors, many of whom report verbal abuse, intimidation, or degrading treatment during arrest and custody.

The arbitrary nature of these arrests is compounded by the lack of judicial independence. Courts have been observed issuing remand orders without a proper hearing, often in alignment with political directives. In many cases, bail petitions are delayed, dismissed, or obstructed, prolonging detention unnecessarily and increasing vulnerability to torture or ill-treatment.

The purpose of these detentions is clear: to neutralize dissent, disrupt organizational capacity within the opposition, and create an atmosphere in which public criticism of the government is equated with criminal behavior. The interim government is not enforcing law and order; it is weaponizing it.

This growing culture of impunity, where anyone can be arrested at any time, without cause or remedy, constitutes a grave violation of Bangladesh’s constitutional protections, as well as its obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which it is a party.

As this report will demonstrate in the sections that follow, arbitrary detention is not an exception, but a deliberate state strategy, working in tandem with other forms of repression such as violence, intimidation, and judicial manipulation.

State-Backed Vandalism and Property Destruction

Closely linked to the surge in arbitrary arrests is the alarming rise in state-sanctioned vandalism and property destruction, particularly targeting individuals affiliated with the political opposition, civil society, and minority communities. In many cases, destruction of property has been carried out concurrently with arrests or as a form of collective punishment, with law enforcement agencies either complicit or directly involved.

Since August 2024, reports from across the country have documented a systematic pattern:

• Police and paramilitary forces have raided homes, especially those of opposition supporters, destroying furniture, electronics, legal documents, and religious items under the guise of “search operations.”
• During or after political demonstrations, security forces have entered neighborhoods known to support the Awami League, vandalizing shops, houses, and vehicles without any legal warrant or justification.
• In rural areas, entire villages have been subjected to retaliatory attacks following anti-government rallies or political meetings. Homes have been set ablaze, livestock killed, and crops destroyed, often in the presence of local law enforcement.
• Educational institutions known to be aligned with or sympathetic to opposition voices have faced break-ins, looting, and intimidation of staff. In one instance, a school run by a former female member of parliament was vandalized under police escort.

In many incidents, masked youth groups associated with ruling party affiliates, such as certain student fronts and local political thugs, have operated in tandem with the police. These groups often arrive on motorbikes, cause deliberate destruction, and leave before any formal complaints can be filed. When victims attempt to report these crimes, police stations routinely refuse to register FIRs, or worse, threaten the complainants with legal consequences.

The destruction is not random; it is calculated and punitive. Victims are often forced to abandon their homes and livelihoods. In some districts, entire families have fled to neighboring villages or towns, fearing further reprisals after their properties were marked or looted.

Critically, this wave of vandalism has been accompanied by zero accountability:

• No official investigations have been launched into any of the major incidents.
• CCTV footage from public institutions is routinely ignored, even when it captures clear evidence of perpetrators.
• Judicial remedies are practically inaccessible for the poor and politically persecuted, who risk further harassment for seeking redress.

What distinguishes this phase of repression is the blurring of lines between law enforcement and politically motivated street violence. When the institutions meant to protect citizens become active participants in their degradation, it signals not only a collapse of rule of law but also the normalization of state brutality.

This pattern of collective punishment through property destruction serves two strategic purposes: it breaks the spirit of resistance among the political opposition and sends a clear message to others: association with dissent may cost you your home, your business, or your safety.

The continued use of state-backed vandalism as a political tool reinforces the broader conclusion of this dossier: the interim government is engaged in a coordinated campaign to dismantle all forms of opposition, not only by targeting individuals but by destabilizing their communities and erasing their physical presence.

Rape and Sexual Violence

Bangladesh is currently facing a grave escalation in gender-based violence, marked by a surge in rape and sexual assault cases. This trend has intensified under the administration of the constitutionally illegitimate interim government, where legal accountability has weakened, and institutional safeguards have deteriorated significantly.

Bangladesh grapples with shocking surge in sexual violence

According to verified media reports, from January to June 2025, a total of 481 cases of rape were reported nationwide. Among these:

• 345 victims were children, highlighting a disproportionate targeting of minors.
• 106 cases involved gang rape, indicating the organized and aggravated nature of many assaults.
• 17 victims were murdered following the assault, illustrating a pattern of extreme brutality and intent to eliminate evidence or silence survivors.
• 1,555 women and girls were reported to have experienced violence in the first half of the year alone, encompassing both physical and sexual abuse.

Bangladesh grapples with shocking surge in sexual violence

The frequency and severity of these incidents demonstrate a nationwide crisis of protection and justice for women and children. Several illustrative cases are worth noting:

• In Magura, an eight-year-old girl was brutally raped and killed while visiting her sister’s home. While some suspects were detained, the investigation has shown limited progress.
• In Patuakhali, a housewife was abducted and gang raped by two men. Law enforcement authorities failed to respond in a timely or effective manner, leaving the victim without immediate protection or redress.
• In Kishoreganj, an 11-year-old girl with a disability endured sustained sexual abuse. Instead of initiating criminal proceedings, local actors reportedly encouraged informal mediation, thereby undermining due process.
• On 2 April 2025, a female journalist was physically assaulted in the Banashree area of Dhaka. Despite the incident being reported to law enforcement, the victim continued to face online harassment and reputational attacks, with limited institutional support.
• A video circulated on social media shows an incident at Zakaria Hotel in Mohakhali, where political affiliates of the opposition reportedly entered the premises and violently assaulted two women. While an FIR was filed, no arrests have been made to date.

Additional data from the same period reveal:

• 51 cases of sexual harassment, and
• 34 cases of stalking and public intimidation against women.

These incidents underscore a systemic failure of state institutions to protect vulnerable populations. Law enforcement responses have been inconsistent, and in many cases, deliberately obstructive, particularly where politically affiliated individuals are implicated. Survivors are frequently denied justice, pressured into settlements, or subjected to character attacks.

The impunity surrounding such crimes reflects not only administrative negligence but also structural complicity. Under international human rights instruments, including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), Bangladesh is obligated to prevent, investigate, and prosecute acts of sexual violence. The current trend represents a clear and persistent violation of those obligations.

The failure of the interim government to ensure justice and protection for victims of sexual violence constitutes a serious breach of both domestic constitutional guarantees and international legal commitments. Without urgent intervention, the pattern of abuse is likely to escalate, further endangering the lives and rights of women and girls across the country.

Arrest and Harassment of Journalists

The crackdown on journalists in Bangladesh under the interim government has reached an alarming level, raising serious concerns about the erosion of press freedom, freedom of expression, and the right to information. The regime’s approach to media has been characterized by surveillance, intimidation, arbitrary detention, and violence, with a clear intention to silence critical voices and suppress independent journalism.

Press Freedom Throttled Under Dr Muhammad Yunus

Over the past several months, multiple journalists, both from print and electronic media, have been subjected to arrest, physical assault, legal harassment, and online smear campaigns. Many of these incidents occurred shortly after the publication of content critical of the interim government or its affiliated power structures. In some cases, journalists were detained without a warrant; in others, they were charged under vague and sweeping laws such as the Digital Security Act (DSA) or its successor, which continues to be used as a tool for censorship.

Documented Incidents Include:

• Faruk Hossain, a journalist for Daily Manab Zamin, was arrested after reporting on the death of a schoolgirl in Magura. His article raised questions about police negligence in a rape and murder case involving an eight-year-old girl. He was picked up without a warrant, allegedly interrogated for hours, and accused of spreading “false information,” despite no factual errors being identified in his report.
• On April 2, 2025, a female journalist in Dhaka’s Banashree area was physically assaulted by a group of men while returning from an assignment. After filing a complaint, she faced a wave of online harassment, including doxxing and targeted misogynistic abuse. Law enforcement took no action against the attackers.
• Veteran journalist Shahriar Kabir faced legal threats and surveillance after publicly criticizing the rise of religious extremism and state indifference under the interim government. His phone was reportedly tapped, and his residence was monitored by plainclothes personnel.
• A senior editor at a major Bengali daily was summoned by intelligence officials for a “courtesy meeting” shortly after publishing an editorial critical of human rights abuses. The editor was warned against publishing any further “anti-state rhetoric.”
• Several regional correspondents reported being threatened by local administration officials after covering violence against religious minorities and unlawful demolitions in Hindu-majority villages. In many of these cases, their press credentials were suspended or withheld.

This pattern of state-directed or state-condoned suppression has created a chilling effect throughout the media landscape. Reporters now operate in an environment where self-censorship is the norm, and the cost of honest journalism may include arrest, torture, or exile.

In Bangladesh 2.0, state of journalism remains far from ideal

The Digital Security Act (DSA) and its revised iterations have become key instruments of repression. Journalists have been charged for vague offenses such as:

• “Tarnishing the image of the state,”
• “Spreading rumors,” and
• “Inciting discontent.”

Most arrests under these laws are made without proper judicial oversight, and in many cases, pre-trial detentions are prolonged, effectively punishing the accused before any conviction.

These actions violate international norms guaranteed under Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Bangladesh is a signatory. The current environment also contradicts Bangladesh’s constitutional commitments to uphold freedom of expression and the independence of the media.

International press freedom watchdogs, including Reporters Without Borders (RSF), Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), and Human Rights Watch (HRW), have repeatedly expressed concern over these developments. In their joint statements, they have described the crackdown as a deliberate attempt to dismantle the last remaining institutions of accountability.

The interim government's tactics against journalists are not just a threat to individuals; they are a threat to democratic resilience and institutional transparency. In the absence of a free press, other human rights violations, including those against women, minorities, and political opponents, go unreported and unchallenged.

Proliferation of Fabricated Cases (Fake Charges)

The ongoing campaign of repression under the interim government has been further entrenched through the widespread use of fabricated cases and politically motivated charges. These tactics serve as a calculated tool to intimidate dissidents, criminalize peaceful activism, and weaken any form of opposition or independent thought. In many instances, individuals have been implicated in multiple cases simultaneously, often without evidence, legal merit, or due process.

The human cost of Bangladesh’s growing false-case culture

This weaponization of the legal system has created a chilling effect across civil society. Opposition party members, student activists, journalists, human rights defenders, and even ordinary citizens have found themselves arbitrarily named in First Information Reports (FIRs) for alleged involvement in incidents they were nowhere near. These charges typically range from “sabotage” and “subversive activities” to violations under the Digital Security Act, all deliberately vague and broadly defined to enable prosecutorial discretion and abuse.

Several victims have been named in dozens of cases filed across multiple jurisdictions, making it logistically and financially impossible to defend themselves. In some cases, individuals who were already in police custody or in prison at the time of the alleged offense were still shown as active participants in new crimes, demonstrating a complete disregard for factual consistency. Such procedural misconduct points to a system where the accusation itself becomes a punishment, eroding the fundamental principle of the presumption of innocence.

Legal experts and rights organizations have documented how police officers, acting under administrative and political pressure, prepare template-style complaints with blank fields for names and dates, which are later filled in based on directives from ruling authorities. This practice not only undermines the credibility of the legal process but also fosters a culture of arbitrary detention, prolonged pre-trial incarceration, and judicial backlog. In many cases, bail is systematically denied, and even where courts grant bail, individuals are re-arrested under new charges moments after release.

The use of fabricated charges extends beyond political figures. There are documented instances of land activists, minority community leaders, and trade union organizers being arrested on spurious allegations after raising legitimate concerns regarding state or corporate misconduct. This suggests an expansion of state repression from traditional opposition to all forms of grassroots dissent.

Courts flooded with false cases

This systematic abuse of legal instruments represents a gross violation of constitutional rights, including Article 31 and Article 35 of the Constitution of Bangladesh, which guarantee equal protection under law and protection from arbitrary punishment. Furthermore, it contravenes international human rights obligations, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, both of which Bangladesh is legally bound to uphold.

The proliferation of fake charges under the Yunus-led interim government has transformed the justice system into a tool of coercion and control, stripping thousands of citizens of their right to legal protection. Without urgent reforms and international scrutiny, this practice threatens to further entrench impunity, fear, and lawlessness in the country’s governance and judicial institutions.

Systemic Violence Against the Hindu Community

The breakdown of legal safeguards under the current interim administration has enabled a dangerous escalation in targeted violence against religious minorities, particularly members of the Hindu community. This violence is not incidental or isolated; it is part of a larger pattern of impunity, where religious intolerance, political opportunism, and institutional silence converge to create an environment in which minorities are increasingly vulnerable, disenfranchised, and excluded from equal protection under the law.

Attacks on Hindu Community

Since the beginning of the interim regime, there has been a marked rise in attacks on Hindu homes, temples, and businesses, often following politically charged events or fabricated allegations of blasphemy. In multiple districts, including Chandpur, Narail, Khulna, and Cumilla, coordinated mobs have vandalized deities, looted properties, and set fire to minority neighborhoods, while law enforcement either stood by passively or responded too late. In most cases, no meaningful investigation was initiated, and perpetrators were not held accountable.

The strategic timing and repetitive nature of these attacks suggest that religious violence is being used as a tool of political distraction, community control, and social engineering. In some cases, fabricated social media posts allegedly made by Hindu individuals were used to incite violence, even when the posts were later proven to be fake. These digital provocations are rarely investigated in good faith, and instead, the focus shifts to criminalizing the minority individual or community allegedly involved.

Local Hindu leaders and activists have reported increased surveillance, arbitrary questioning, and a pervasive climate of fear, especially in rural areas. Land grabs, forced displacement, and coercion have also intensified, often under the guise of legal disputes, in what many rights groups have described as a slow process of demographic and economic erasure. Temples have been desecrated, idol thefts have surged, and community gatherings have been curtailed under vague security pretexts.

Bangladesh minority rights group accuses interim government of failing to protect minorities

This ongoing pattern of violence and discrimination stands in direct violation of Articles 28 and 41 of the Constitution of Bangladesh, which guarantee equal rights and religious freedom for all citizens. Furthermore, it violates Bangladesh’s obligations under international conventions, including the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

What is particularly alarming is the lack of condemnation from senior government officials, as well as the absence of concrete measures to protect religious minorities. Instead, silence from the top has functioned as a form of tacit approval, further emboldening those who seek to use sectarianism for political or ideological ends. The interim government’s failure to act decisively in the face of these attacks is not only a dereliction of constitutional duty but a dangerous signal to perpetrators that religious persecution will go unpunished.

If this trajectory is allowed to continue unchecked, the future of religious pluralism and social harmony in Bangladesh will be placed at grave risk. Urgent international attention, independent investigation, and pressure for institutional accountability are imperative to halt the systemic marginalization of the Hindu community and restore their basic rights and security.

Other Minority Groups Are Also Not Spared

The human rights crisis unfolding in Bangladesh under the interim administration has not been limited to political opponents, women, or members of the Hindu community. Other religious and ethnic minority groups, including the Ahmadiyyas, indigenous peoples, and the Christian community, have also come under systematic attack, both socially and institutionally. What is particularly concerning is that these violations are occurring not due to bureaucratic failure or state incapacity, but through calculated negligence, state complicity, and policy silence in the face of escalating communal terror.

The Ahmadiyya Muslim community, in particular, has faced an intensifying campaign of hate and violence. In recent months, mobs have repeatedly demanded that Ahmadis be officially declared non-Muslims through constitutional amendment, a move that would strip the community of its religious identity and legal protections. Rather than uphold constitutional guarantees of religious freedom, the state has instead engaged in “negotiations” with extremist groups, further undermining the rights of citizens who are already marginalized. In Panchagarh, extremist-led rallies against the Ahmadiyyas were permitted to proceed unchecked, resulting in widespread vandalism, physical assaults, and the destruction of Ahmadiyya prayer centers.

Bangladeshi Ahmadiyyas targeted by hate campaign

In a further demonstration of institutional failure, 23 legal complaints filed by Ahmadiyya victims of violence were dismissed or informally suspended, following pressure from Islamist groups. This is not merely a lapse in justice—it is a betrayal of constitutional duty. Instead of defending victims, the state has chosen appeasement, allowing hate speech to flourish and violent groups to act with near-total impunity.

Minorities fear targeted attacks in post-revolution Bangladesh

Similar trends are being observed among indigenous communities in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, who continue to face land dispossession, militarization, and discrimination in public services and representation. Christian minorities have also reported increased threats to their places of worship, with multiple churches receiving warnings against holding services deemed “anti-social” or “provocative.” In several cases, local authorities have failed to intervene or have sided with perpetrators during land and property disputes involving minority families.

Will the World Stand Silent as Bangladesh Cries for Help?

What is happening in Bangladesh today is not the result of administrative failure or a temporary breakdown in governance. It is the outcome of a deliberate and coordinated effort to control, silence, and intimidate. The interim government, lacking a constitutional mandate, has used state institutions to erode civil liberties, suppress dissent, and violate the basic rights of its citizens. This is not governance, it is coercion under the cover of legality.

The abuses documented in this report, ranging from violence against women and children to the repression of journalists and religious minorities, are not isolated incidents. They form a consistent and disturbing pattern. Across every sector of society, people are being punished not for crimes but for speaking out, demanding justice, or simply belonging to the wrong group.

This dossier is not just a record of suffering; it is a call for international awareness and action. The people of Bangladesh cannot wait for history to catch up. They are enduring the consequences of unchecked power right now, and they deserve immediate support from the global community. Human rights organizations, legal forums, and democratic governments must treat this crisis with the seriousness it demands.

There can be no room for neutrality when fundamental freedoms are being stripped away with such impunity. It is time to act, with clarity, urgency, and principle, before the situation deteriorates even further.